Warlords ist eine Reihe rundenbasierter Computer-Strategiespiele des australischen Spieleentwicklers Steve Fawkner. Fawkner entwarf die Serie während. Erweitere dein Tom Clancy's Ghost The Division 2-Erlebnis mit der Erweiterung Die Warlords von New York Edition. - DE. Kepler kannte seinen Chef jedoch besser, Abudi war wirklich der einzige, der über den eigenen Tellerrand hinausschauen konnte. Mit den Malakaler Warlords.
Warlords (Spieleserie)Der Warlord mag zwar charakterlich und militärisch schwach sein. So stellt sich das Phänomen eines Warlords als eine rein negative Kategorie dar: The. Warlord kommt aus dem Englischen und bedeutet Kriegsherr. Oftmals verlängern Warlords bewusst den Krieg, weil sie viel Geld durch den Verkauf von. „Warlords“ treten dort auf, wo der Staat keine Sicherheit bietet, bezie- hungsweise erfüllen einen Bedarf an Sicherheit. Es ist kein Wunder, dass in Afghanistan.
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Warlords can also fall into a hybrid category, temporarily joining a warlord coalition in collusion with the regime or defecting for political expedience—transitioning from one paradigm to the other based upon strategic interests.
The other major consideration in categorizing warlords is through the lens of history. Warlordism was a widespread, dominant political framework that ordered many of the world's societies until the modern state became globally ubiquitous.
Often warlord governance in pre-modern state history was constructed along tribal or kinship lines and was congruent with early perceptions of " nation ".
In colonial empires warlords served in both cooperative political capacities and as leaders of rebellions. In modern states the presence of warlords is often seen as an indicator of state weakness or failure.
American historian David G. Herrmann noted, "Warlordism is the default condition of humanity. Economist Stergios Skaperdas views warlordism as a default—albeit inefficient—competitive economic model that emerges in states where state capacity is low, but that innately evolves into an institution governing political order that uses violence or the threat of it to secure its access to " rent "-producing resources.
It may actually have a stabilizing effect on a region. In both cases there is an inherent inefficiency in the model, as "resources are wasted on unproductive arming and fighting.
Charles Tilly , an American political scientist and sociologist, theorized that organized crime can function as a means for war and state making.
Political scientist Jesse Driscoll uses the term "redistribution politics" to classify the bargaining process between warlords and the regime in states where cooperative warlord politics prevails, and when that bargaining leads to accords or informal arrangements concerning the extraction of rent—which can refer to natural resources, territory, labor, revenue or privilege.
In his study of warlordism in Georgia and Tajikistan, Driscoll cites " land reform , property ownership and transfers, privatization in non-transparent closed-bid settings, complex credit swaps cemented via marriages, money laundering , price fixing schemes , and bribery", as principal sources of exchange in redistribution politics.
Noted theorist Max Weber suggested that classic feudalism in pre-modern-state Europe was an example of warlordism, as the state regime was unable to "exercise a monopoly on the use of force within its territory"  and the monarch relied on the commitment of loyal knights and other nobility to mobilize their private armies in support of the crown for specific military campaigns.
As noted French philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville and political scientists such as E. Under the feudal system of Europe, nobility—whether feudal lords, knights, princes or barons—were warlords in that they served as regional leaders who exercised military, economic and political control over subnational territories and maintained private armies to maintain that status.
While their political power to exercise social order, welfare and regional defense within their territory was derived from hereditary rights or edicts from the monarch, their military strength afforded them independence and strength to negotiate for privileges.
Should the feudal lord or other noble withdraw his support from the king, either in rebellion or to form an alliance with a rival kingdom, that feudal lord or noble was now ascribing to the political order of ungoverned warlordism.
Within political science there is a growing body of research and analysis on warlordism that has emerged within weak states that have gained independence as a result of the collapse of empire.
While warlords are commonly viewed as regional leaders who threaten the sovereignty of a state, there are a number of states where the central government functions in collusion with warlords to achieve its goal of exercising its sovereignty over regions that would otherwise fall outside its control.
In such decentralized states, particularly those where armed groups challenge national sovereignty , warlords can serve as useful allies of a central government that is unable to establish a monopoly over the use of force within its national territory.
As political scientist Dr. Ariel Hernandez documented, one example is the Philippines , where successive presidential administrations—at least since Ferdinand Marcos secured power in —have "franchised violence to regional warlords" to counter the inroads of communist insurgents , Islamic rebels and organized criminal gangs.
This has led to the formation of at least 93 "Partisan Armed Groups", armed militias loyal to regional warlords who, in exchange for their loyalty and willingness to use their private armies to quell the threats from these opposition groups, are granted a degree of autonomy within designated regions, the exclusive right to use violence and the right "to profit from the 'economy of violence' that they establish in their own areas".
Warlordism in Afghanistan—another state where the central government is unable to extend political, military or bureaucratic control over large swaths of territories outside the capital—functions cooperatively within the framework of the state, at times.
The warlords, with their established militias, are able to maintain a monopoly of violence within certain territories. They form coalitions with competing warlords and local tribal leaders to present the central government with a challenge, and often the state will bargain to gain access to resources or " rent ", loyalty from the warlord and peace in the region.
In exchange for peaceful coexistence, the warlord coalitions are granted special status and privileges, including the right to maintain de facto political rule within the agreed-upon territory, exert force to retain their monopoly over violence and extract rent and resources.
In the case of Afghanistan, the state-warlord bargaining sometimes extends beyond these informal accords and elevates to the status of political clientelism , in which the warlords are appointed to formal government positions, such as regional governor; a title which provides them political legitimacy.
It has been shown that during the state-warlord bargaining phase, warlords in Afghanistan have a high motivation to prolong war to create political instability, expose weakness of the central state, prompt regional criticism against the government and continue economic extraction.
In his study of warlordism in Georgia and Tajikistan , political scientist Jesse Driscoll emphasizes how the collapse of the Soviet Union precipitated the entification of militant, independence-seeking nationalist movements within the republics —particularly within the Central Asian and Caucasus regions—resulting in armed conflict and civil war.
Many strongmen warlords had previously served in the Soviet military , police units or intelligence services and had experience operating within highly organized bureaucracies.
These warlords formed well-structured militias that not only established political and economic control over territories, but institutionalized bureaucracies to establish and maintain their monopolies over violence and rent and "incentivizing the behavior of citizens within a particular geographical space".
A truce was reached without any disarmament of militias; instead, the warlord coalitions reached a non-violent "order producing equilibrium",  and eventually agreed upon a warlord-friendly civilian figurehead to assume head-of-state duties to demonstrate the legitimacy as a sovereign state to the rest of the world.
This opened up Georgia and Tajikistan as states eligible to receive international aid , which thereafter became a major source of " rent " for the warlords, providing them with resources to increase their power and influence over these societies.
As Driscoll observed, the "warlords colluded to create a state". One political theory, pioneered by American economist Mancur Olson , posits that warlords can function as stationary bandits.
In some African states, warlord politics can be a product of endowment-rich, extractable resources. Some nations, including Liberia and Sierra Leone, have had stationary bandits who use extraction of resources such as diamonds, cobalt and timber " conflict resources " in order to increase their political power.
They often enforce their right to these resources by claiming to be protecting the people. Ansichten Lesen Bearbeiten Quelltext bearbeiten Versionsgeschichte.
Hauptseite Themenportale Zufälliger Artikel. Strategic Studies Group Infinite Interactive. Steve Fawkner. Warlords 4: Heroes of Etheria Plattform en.
Genre s. Each player begins play with a level 1 hero at the start of the game. Unlike other units, additional heroes cannot be produced by cities or discovered in ruins or hidden tombs.
The only way to gain a new hero is to accept an offer in exchange for money. Newly hired heroes often come with allies. The game flow of Warlords typically involves capturing the cities.
The default winning condition is to conquer most of the cities on the map. The cities are the main source of new units in the game.
Once the player owning the city orders production of a unit, the city will provide new units of a kind until another order is issued.
The production may be forwarded from one city to another, allowing the player to concentrate armies on the borderline or in another location of strategic interest.
The cities also serve a defense purpose: the defenders of a city enjoy the "city bonus", which increases armies' strength.
Several units have the special ability to cancel the city bonus. After capturing a city, the player has a choice whether to occupy, pillage, sack or raze it.
Once razed, the city cannot be rebuilt. Sacking the city removes all the production options returning the player half of their cost.
Pillaging the city results in removal of some production options those being the most expensive units in Warlords and Warlords II , and the units a player cannot produce in Warlords III.
The relations between the players are regulated by the diplomacy: the players should declare wars before actually engaging their armies in battles.
While there is a possibility to attack another player without prior negotiations, such behavior may be followed by unilateral declaration of war by all other players on a violator.
The battles in Warlords with the exception of Warlords IV are non-interactive. The process of battle is shown as two enemy stacks opposing each other; when a unit is killed it disappears from the battle screen.
The outcome of the battle is calculated using the units' abilities and several other factors using a sophisticated algorithm. The games of the series are noted for the strong AI.
The games are set in the fantasy world of Etheria, and tend to be based around the traditional premise of good versus evil , with neutrality in between.
Heroes on the side of good are the Sirian Knights, the mercantile Empires of Men, the elves and the dwarves. The politics of the world, however, are more complicated than they first appear, particularly in the third installment of the series.
For example, the Minotaurs, who were created as servants for Sartek, the Lord of War, are a neutral race rather than an evil one. Also, the third game opens with the human Empire pillaging and exploiting the newly discovered lands of the peaceful Srrathi snakemen, in an obvious nod to the historical European conquest of the Americas.
Most importantly from a player's point of view, a Hero's race is not as important in determining his or her moral alignment as is his or her choice of class.
For example, while the Undead are evil as a rule, an Undead Paladin would be treated as good though such a thing is only possible in the third game, wherein all previous restrictions on race and class combinations have been removed.
Each clan could either be controlled by the computer or by a human player, allowing up to eight participants taking turns in hot seat play.
Gameplay consisted of moving units, attacking opponent units or cities, adjusting production in cities, and moving hero units to explore ruins, temples, libraries, and to discover allies, relics, and other items.
The goal of the game was to conquer the land of Illuria by capturing or razing at least two thirds of the cities in the land.
This version included five maps although the later released mission pack increased the number.
Another new feature was 'fog of war' - optionally, enemy units or even the map could be concealed from players without units close enough to see them.
Als eigentliche Periode der Warlords gelten die Jahre — Derjenige Warlord, der Peking dominierte, stellte somit auch die Zentralregierung.
Mit dem Nordfeldzug der Guomindang einigte Chiang Kai-shek das Land zwar formell unter der neuen nationalchinesischen Regierung in Nanjing.
Faktisch wechselten aber viele Warlords einfach die Seiten anstatt wirklich militärisch besiegt zu werden. Bis zu Beginn des Zweiten Japanisch-Chinesischen Krieges gelang es der Nationalregierung nur begrenzt, die lokalen Machthaber unter Kontrolle zu bringen.
Diese reagierten auf derartige Versuche immer wieder mit Aufständen. Dezember gar, den Staatspräsidenten Chiang Kai-shek zu entführen. Diese Personen traten zudem nicht etwa als Gegenkaiser auf, sondern versuchten zumindest anfangs durchaus, sich in die Matrix der römischen Staatlichkeit einzuordnen, etwa indem sie den Rang eines Heermeisters beanspruchten.
Jahrhundert kam es in Westrom aufgrund der zunehmenden Schwäche der kaiserlichen Zentralgewalt  zur Etablierung von lokalen Machthabern, die auf militärische Macht gestützt in begrenzten Territorien des zusammenbrechenden Reiches Herrschaft ausübten.